Was PKI really involved in the G30S?

After Suharto stepped down in 1998, several new books were published revealing
information that the general public was previously unaware of. For example,
Saskia Eleonora Wieringa’s The Destruction of the Women’s Movement
in Indonesia (1999), and Colonel A. Latief’s defense of his role in the
attempted coup entitled Soeharto Was Involved in the September 30 Movement (2000).
In addition, various documents regarding Indonesia in 1965-1966 from the archives
of the US and the UK governments have recently become available. The two sources
mentioned can be a basis for questioning the truth of the history through the
eyes of the government of Indonesia, who claimed that the main perpetrators
were the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and its Special Bureau.

In his book, Latief revealed that he was captured on October 11, 1965. His
was stabbed in the thigh by a bayonet and was shot in his left knee. For 10
years he was incarcerated in solitary confinement and was not brought to trial
until 1978. He suffered extreme pressure whilst imprisoned and during interrogation
at the special court-martial. Bearing that in mind, can his confession before
and during the trial be used as a reliable source of history?

The same thing happened to Sulami, the second deputy of the Secretariat General
of the Indonesian Women’s Movement (Gerwani), as recounted in Women—Truth
and Prison, a book published last year. She was arrested in 1967 and wasn’t
tried until 1975. The charges against her were—among others—giving
valuable items to the family of Indonesia’s first president, ‘Bung
Karno’, at the Bogor Palace. "Because I denied the charges, an interrogator
wearing fatigues became angry and ordered someone wearing army boots to step
on my toes ... Grinding his teeth, the interrogator barked: ‘Well? Do
you confess?’ I ignored him. He yelled: ‘Whip her ten times.’
The cruel Mr Army Boots stepped back and Mr Whip Man stepped forward with a
cane. For three nights I endured that..."

The above experiences seem sufficient to question the validity of the sources
used to compile history—New Order government-style. In addition, it can
be said that the main justification for concluding that PKI—as an organization—was
behind the September 30 Movement was not strong enough. The evidence used was
Aidit’s 50-page confession before he was shot in Central Java, which allegedly
stated, "I am the person most responsible for the September 30, 1965 incident
and I was supported by other officials of PKI as well as people’s organizations
under PKI" (Soegiarso Soerojo, 1988: p265). Did he really write that confession?
If he did, why was he executed by firing squad?

In addition, another main piece of evidence was the October 2, 1965 edition
of the newspaper Harian Rakyat. The "white book" edited by Alex Dinuth
(1997) contained articles in the newspapers such as the Corner column ("The
September 30 Movement took action against the Council of Generals. People sympathized
and supported the Movement"). The newspaper’s editorial also mentioned:
"However, no matter what, it is an internal problem in the Armed Forces.
But we the people who understand politics and revolutionary tasks believe in
the appropriateness of the actions taken by the September 30 Movement to save
the revolution and the people." There was also a statement by Anwar Sanusi
(member of the PKI Politbiro Central Committee), "Motherland is in advanced
stage of pregnancy" and a caricature with the caption "Lt. Col. Untung,
Commander of Tjakrabirawa Batallion, saved the President and the Republic of
Indonesia from a coup by the Council of Generals."

On the night of October 1, 1965 all newspapers in the capital city of Jakarta
were banned from publication, except the military’s Angkatan Bersenjata
and Berita Yudha. Major General Umar Wirahadikusumah, Military Commander of
Territory V/Jakarta Raya issued an Instruction Letter No. 01/Drt/10/1965 stating
that: "In an effort to prevent confusing news on the betrayal by the so-called
September 30 Movement Command/Council of Revolution, it is necessary to control
the news media."

It’s strange how Harian Rakyat, which was clearly PKI’s mouthpiece,
could appear. One of the documents from the British Embassy in Jakarta (South-East
Asia Department, Indonesia, D H 1015/218 10 Oct 1965) revealed doubts about
the newspapers, whether it really did indeed represent PKI. "My guess is
that the editor took an unauthorized initiative." Is it possible that a
left-wing newspaper was allowed to appear on purpose in order to trap PKI? Or,
to put it differently, is it then not possible that the newspaper’s October
2, 1965, edition was prepared by somebody else?

The ban on publication of all nwespapers—albeit for only five days—was
crucial, because it meant that information was controlled and monopolized by
the military. The fear of being muzzled again caused the mass media to write
or quote news in accordance with the wishes of the government or the security
forces.

Campaigns revealing communist brutality were launched by the two military-controlled
newspapers, Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha. In its Sunday edition, 11
October, 1965 the latter reported that the bodies of the generals were mutilated:
"Their eyes were gouged and their penises were cut," and that Gerwani’s
volunteers had sex with the corpses. Actually, the medical post mortem stated
otherwise. The victims died of gunshot wounds or because of the impact of the
drop into the well in Lubang Buaya. Saskia Wieringa noted that the two newspapers
launched these "sadistic" campaigns on a regular basis up until December
1965.

It was this information—or, more appropriately, misinformation—that
triggered people’s anger. They killed everyone and anyone suspected of
being members of PKI. The campaign to destroy communism received full support
from the western world. A document from the British government to Singapore
on "Indonesian Disturbances" (D 1835, 6 Oct. 1965), stated: "Meanwhile
we certainly do not exclude any unattributable propaganda or psychological warfare
activities which would contribute to weakening the PKI. permanently. We therefore
agree with the recommendation in last sentence your paragraph 2. Suitable propaganda
themes might be: PKI brutality in murdering generals and Nasution's daughter;
Chinese interference in particular arms shipments; PKI subverting Indonesia
as agents of foreign communists; fact that Aidit and other prominent communists
went to ground; the virtual kidnapping of Soekarno by Untung and PKI etc., etc.
We want to act quickly while the Indonesians are still off balance, but treatment
will need to be subtle."

Actually, if you read the "White Book" issued by the State Secretariat
of the Republic of Indonesia in 1994 carefully, you may reach a conclusion that
the writers would not have hoped for. The book, The September 30 Movement, Rebellion
by the Indonesian Communist Party, contains a list of names of 306 people (in
10 pages). If you look at the list, the case was essentially about President
Soekarno (mentioned 128 times), two PKI leading figures (Aidit and Syam, 77
times), and two camps of Armed Forces officers (107 times). In the index of
important words, three phrases appear most often: 1) September 30 Movement.
2) Council of Revolution. 3) Council of Generals. The word "PKI" was
mentioned only twice. So actually, this book talks more about the leading figures
in PKI, Aidit and Syam, than about PKI as a socio-political organization.

Aidit was indeed Chairman of PKI, but in his letter to Soekarno he stated:
"On September 30 midnight, I was picked up by someone [unknown to me] wearing
a Cakrabirawa uniform who said that I was called to the [Presidential] Palace
for an emergency cabinet meeting. But I was taken to Jatinegara. There I changed
cars and we went to a kampong and I was placed in a small house. I was then
informed that members of the Council of Generals would be captured." (Soegiarso
Soerojo, p262). With regard to Sjam, various books still doubt his real identity:
Was he a mole smuggled by PKI into the Armed Forces or, the opposite, was he
a government intelligence agent in disguise—or was he actually a double
agent?

About the G30S, this writer is of the opinion that it would be impossible for
the bloody incident to be designed by one sole director; the tragic incident
was due to domestic elements supported by external factors (foreign countries).
The charges that PKI was behind G30S, as stated in the White Book compiled by
the New Order government and taught at schools, must be reviewed. October 1,
1965 can go down in history as the day the press was first muzzled by the New
Order government, and also as the day history was first fabricated in Indonesia.

I’m not denying that the brutal actions by PKI and its mass organizations
before 1965 happened. One-sided actions lauched by communists in their campaign
on land reform regulations caused social conflicts, especially in villages.
In the fields of art and culture, those who did not support Soekarno’s
Manifesto Politik, such as Taufiq Ismail and friends, could not express themselves
freely. Activitists from Muslim organization PII were humiliated, such as in
the Kanigoro incident and the Muslim Students Association, HMI, was instructed
to disband.

However, revenge has been taken on all those violent actions: at least half
a million Indonesians suspected of communism were butchered. I would think that
revenge is more than enough. Ideally, reconciliation between the Muslims and
left-wing followers should have occurred in 1966, but the New Order regime chose
to deliberately stoke up the problem and use it as a tool for legitimization
as well as repression.