Portrait of Indonesian Nationality Tidal History

Agrarian Reform

(Portrait of Indonesian nationality Tidal History)¹

Tri Chandra Aprianto²

  Two-faced nature of many revolutionary movements and counter-revolutionary sometimes complicate the proper designation of such movements. Because the sound of revolution in many circles the term is not as bad as the counter-revolution so little movement that openly calls themselves as counter-revolution. (Wertheim, tt:233)

I. Introduction

In the early twenty-first century, the debate about restructuring the agrarian structure, or better known as agrarian reform / agrarian reform / agrarian reform, came back to the surface. Various studies about it, even well into the agenda of various international agencies, countries and various organizations of rural social movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

Then what about Indonesian? As a country which never do the agenda of agrarian reform in the mid-1960s, three times that Indonesia does not want to miss the train in discussing this. On the political regime of SBY-JK are now, through the Head of the Republic of Indonesia National Land Agency (BPN-RI) rolling the National Agrarian Reform Program (PPAN). An official program of the government who wanted to rearrange the structure of the mastery of agrarian resources for public welfare and social justice.³

I will not enter the debate surrounding the government's official program of RI on PPAN. In this paper, I want to describe the agenda of agrarian reform as the nation's agenda. Efforts to organize the life and structure of society, nation and state in a more equitable it is essential to realize the ideals of national independence. But in practice the effort to organize the tide in any era. Recalling the agrarian reform was not only the conversations that are political economy, but also has an ideological background. In their discussion also involves not only political actors, but also the economic actors involved and even people's organizations, both of which agree and not with those efforts. More interesting, tidal conversations about the agrarian reform during this republic stands have crossed some political power: Guided Democracy, New Order and Reform era.

Various studies of existing agrarian past two decades more to describe about agrarian disputes, whether that occurred during the Guided Democracy as the work of Pelzer (1991) as well as during the New Order such as writing Bachriadi and Lucas (2001). Meanwhile, studies Fauzi (1999) further highlights the role of actors from the agrarian reform, namely the farmers. In addition, there are also studies that give special attention to the theoretical framework and definition of agrarian reform such as that conducted by Wiradi (2000) and Sediono Tjondronegoro MP (1999). Some of this book has a strong influence on many social scientists, including historians, especially among agrarian studies.

In recent years emerged a stream of thought on the discussion of agrarian reform can not be separated from the dynamics of political, ideological debates, and international parties intervened in the past. What happened in the past that still resonates with the presence of agrarian structure in Indonesia nowadays. So, now we need a more comprehensive study about the idea of agrarian reform in Indonesia, not only in the area of conceptual and theoretical, but also how the dynamics of politics and ideology are also coloring this idea, including the involvement of the international world. Depart from here, this paper tries to explaining history (historical explanation) 4 for travel within the period of agrarian reform across some political power in Indonesia. Of course the main thesis of how the agrarian reform ideas across a variety of political power itself? Further to the presentation in each sub-section is shown: (i) other forms of agrarian reform in all political power, (ii) the political opportunity in every possible way the political power of agrarian reform, (iii) the resistance of agrarian reform in all political power, (iv) and the consequences of success or failure of the implementation of the political power of agrarian reform to the next.

II. Sue to a new Contract

Agricultural involution and poverty together, just borrow from Geertz, four are two appropriate term to provide initial descriptions of the bitter experience of rural people living under colonialism and feudalism. The bitter experience clearly illustrated how the power of colonial politics that was initially present as a trade organization (VOC), which then run the process of exploitation of indigenous people in order to strengthen the process of accumulation kapitalnya by the forced cultivation. The action was later gained legitimacy with the colonial land policy, Wet Agrarische 1870. Departing from here, the mastery of agrarian resources arranged strictly through legal regulation of political power. Complete, exploitation of trade, coercion, and finally mastering legally.

History does not run linearly. As a result of the arrangement mastery agrarian resources by the political power that is not fair, of course, hand in hand with social unrest. Studies from Dingley very sharp highlights how social unrest in Indonesia, born as a result of the development of capitalism, which has increased repression among the peasantry. This is what later led to the birth of a revolutionary union of the people to fight over the control arrangement agrarian resources in a way that's very unfair.⁴ Another study which highlights the injustice of the arrangement agrarian resources by Kartodirdjo.⁵ Unlike Dingley, Kartodirdjo study shows how the role of traditional leadership elements (religious) also play a role in the process of resistance. Through the traditional elite peasant dissatisfaction voiced by competing ideologies of a foreign power. Of course this path of resistance with more resistance which leads to localized.⁶

Various resistance, basically, is a serious response for misuse of power at the political, social, economic and culture by the colonial power. Based on the reconstruction of Dingley, the resistance of the peasants in the early twentieth century no longer simply just responding to local problems. More broadly than that, the resistance of the masses that occur at the same time an opposite strategy with colonial mode of development, an action based on colonial ideals. Resistance is not alone (alone) showed anti colonialism and feudalism, but also the direct struggle for the expansion of production systems and the extraction of new commodities to the colonial capitalist companies of global scale.

In this period of peasant movements have been influenced by the ideals of the national movement. They began to leave the local patterns.⁷ They began to be merged into one organization of people who have a broader political interests, including a sub-ordination of a political party. In addition, this movement has had programs that are more rational. SI is the People to mention one example of local community organizations but has had a national program, such as: (i) the distribution of “private land” of native kings to farmers, (ii) tax cuts for those who earn little; ( iii) establishment of cooperative organizations of farmers, and (iv) the establishment of village councils. Not only the program, various people's organizations are beginning to have a number of important newspapers and periodical publications, such as The Spark periodic publications among political activists appeared in Solo, Java, and then release the previously named Soerapatti Titar published in Bandung, etc..⁸

Meanwhile, other people's organizations also began to pay attention to the peasant movement. Is the Budi Utomo, an organization nationalist intellectuals, established in 1908, began to notice the problem of the peasants. At least in 1917, Budi Utomo had a program: (i) the establishment of minimum rates for land farmers, (ii) rules against usury; (iii) the establishment of rural barns; (iv) tax cuts for low-income people, and promote agricultural education. Not wanting to miss religious organizations such as Muhammadiyah also gives attention to the interests of the peasantry.⁹ The peasant movement to fight for justice continue to resonate with the agrarian nationalist movement. Until finally, the movement is able mutual awareness and imagination about the nation, and realize in the formation of a new country. Based on the resonance movement, the peasant masses who take a real agrarian struggle and this struggle is the social basis of the aspirations and values of nationhood.

Defeat of fascism-party regime of Japanese colonialism in the year 1942, the Indonesian national movement phase which is very different than before. Political opportunities, due to the international situation is not only change political reality in Indonesia. National movement to strengthen the national ideology, as well as organize agrarian resources to be managed by the son of the earth. Plus plantation production slump since the days maleise in 1930, and less maintained during the World War II.¹⁰ This fact is a political opportunity for the movement of the peasants to take over their lands formerly under the name of colonial land policy engineered to be foreign owned. As well as a political opportunity to seize, retain and utilize plantation lands in order to meet the needs of subsistence peasants.

Seeing this fact, Japanese Fascism and then take advantage of more processing and utilization of encouraging movement agrarian resources conducted by the peasantry. But not in order to arrange agrarian resources more fairly, but rather as a doubling in the framework of the Greater East Asian War.¹¹ Felt still less, Japanese Fascism also forced the farmers to the forest to be the dismantling of agricultural lands, certainly for the sake of war. This practice adds to the suffering of political Indonesian peasants. Not only that, the Japanese Fascism is also a political practice that gave birth to the suffering of the people, such as the application of the tax system which reaches 20%, but in practice it reaches 40%. Doubling process is reminiscent of the earth and cruelty Daendels “cultuurstelsel era”, where the mass of rural people became the main target of repression.

III. Nationality enthusiasm Agrarian Reform

….matters regarding the transfer of power and others are maintained in a way carefully and within the shortest possible time (Proklamasi 1945).

The atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki ended the Greater East Asia war. Plus the outbreak of the Revolution in August 1945 is the first step to realize the sovereignty as a nation. As a sovereign nation we can “melindungi segenap bangsa Indonesia dan seluruh tumpah darah Indonesia dan untuk memadjukan kesejahteraan umum, mentjerdaskan kehidupan bangsa, dan ikut melaksanakan ketertiban dunia jang berdasarkan kemerdekaan, perdamaian abadi dan keadilan sosial.”¹² At this point, the founders of the nation determined 'to form the state government of Indonesia and all the blood spilled Indonesia ... .... To create an social justice for all Indonesian people. To be able to achieve social justice for all Indonesian people must first make sense of liberty. According to Sukarno, the independence is a golden bridge for others to liberation-liberation from the colonial system and the legacy of the feudal.

Keywords of this process is the national revolution. A rapid and radical change in overall order of the old society into a new order of society. So that is needed is an institution which later became the basis for living together, a basic state (philosofische grondslag, staats fundamental norm, basic fundamental rules of the state), that govern the behavior of the state, not individual citizens, namely Pancasila. This state behavior manifested in the creation and implementation of legislation, as well as revealed in the practices and habits of conductors acts of state power, which it must be based on Pancasila. Nevertheless, the Pancasila did not just serve as a basis of the state as mentioned above, but also as Rechtsidee. A guide to the ideals of the legal and moral ideals of a nation that refers to people's sense of justice.¹³

In line with the idea of national independence which is a golden bridge to leaving a legacy of feudal and colonial system toward the end the ideal of the noble as set down in the preamble of the 1945 Constitution. Agrarian reform is the road that has been selected by the leaders of nations in the early days of the republic in order to realize the ideals of social justice. The idea of agrarian reform is not just changing the structure of mastery of agrarian resources more equitable. Furthermore agrarian reform also requires changes in social structure that is more equal without any oppression the weak by the strong and ways of the exploitation of man by man, explotation de l’home par l’homme.

Is also a historical fact, not an Indonesian national who was born naturally. Indonesian nationality is also not just something based on the same language and culture, such as nationality in Korea or Poland. Indonesian nationality, united by a determination to grow with the history of suffering and oppression, which then gave birth to experience common struggle for independence. Bung Karno was talking about nation building, on the need to build Indonesia into a nation, a nation. Indonesian nationality to grow from a kind of culture and diversity, therefore it should not be nationality for granted, must be maintained. Indonesian nationality is therefore an ethical reality. Nationality can only unite as experienced as something noble, that is exploitation of man by man is the basic philosophy of capital accumulation should be terminated. More than that nationality Indonesia is also able to provide a stimulus to the spirit of sacrifice, which encourages citizens to give their best for others. This spirit is essentially already embedded deep in the hearts of the masses of Indonesia in the form of mutual assistance, solidarity is not only meaningful, but also the willingness and humility to sacrifice for something bigger and substance.

Another fact of history that shows how living in the agrarian structure of inequality in political practice deny human values. Because of the Indonesian nation have the spirit to be perceived as something that is positive, fair and noble by the citizens. So that the Indonesian nation has a humanist attitude. This means that all the struggle for the progress of the nation continues to honor the integrity and dignity of every citizen. That even the most vulnerable citizens must never be manipulated or exploited in the name of progress of the nation. Nationality of humanists know that the dignity of the nation's dignity will be intact if all citizens are respected fully. Therefore, the humanist ideology of the Indonesian nation that guarantees basic rights of all citizens. At this point there is no bulkhead, bulkhead between servant and Lord. All the same position in the container of the Republic of Indonesia.¹⁴

This is then the imagination of the nation to bring awareness to the founders of the republic. To create awareness about the nation the imagination of the founders of the republic is very concerned to conduct reforms and rearrangement of (i) ownership and control of agrarian resources, (ii) designated agrarian resources, and (iii) non-colonial political policy. The ideals of the founders of the republic to conduct reforms and restructuring the agrarian structure of the agrarian reform is the road leading to the modification of social-political structure is more equitable and prosperity of the people and the nationalist character.

3.a. Problem on Early Post-Colonial Agrarian Reform

Basic views on the state led the founders of the republic to begin to organize agrarian politics that no longer serve the interests of the feudal and colonial capital. Nevertheless, agrarian policy suggests not in the empty space above political interests. In fact he was in a socio-political dynamics are extremely complex. Political choice of a regime of course a very big impact on agrarian policy choices that will be executed. The opening of political opportunity immediately, by a political regime, will become the arena for the realization of agrarian reform version of his political choices.

Opportunity encourage open political agenda of agrarian reform to be realized immediately enter in, (i) the arenas of local politics and national policy, and ( ii) the practice field. In principle, the agrarian policy aimed at building an independent national order and give legal certainty to the people. Basic vision of national agrarian policy is to provide assurance that all resources can be utilized for the realization of agrarian social justice for all Indonesian people (the five precepts of Pancasila) and the maximum for the nation through state institutions, as set down very clearly in the 1945 Constitution article 33 paragraph 3: Land and water and natural riches contained therein controlled by the state and used for the greatest prosperity of the people.

As mentioned above, efforts to realize national agrarian policy are not on empty political space. This means that the agrarian reform movement in Indonesia has also been an international political arithmetic.¹⁵ For, indeed from the beginning of this agrarian-related issues internationally. Due to the strategy of political struggle through diplomatic channels at a certain level of "disrupt" the spirit of struggle to realize the arrangement agrarian resources more fairly and regulated by the sons of the earth. Through diplomatic channels, was born November 1, Political Manifesto of 1945, which states: (i) that the RI wants peace and cooperation with all countries including the Netherlands, (ii) that RI could take all the existing debt of Dutch East Indies before the Japanese occupation, (iii ) that the RI will return all foreign-owned are not required by the state, and (iv) that are taken for the purposes of the state would be compensated.¹⁶

Of course, the executable path of diplomacy is a major blow to the movement of peasants who want to realize the arrangement of agrarian resources in a fair, no longer based on the colonial system. 1 November 1945 political manifesto is a political opportunity for power of foreign capital (formerly colonized) with elite national movement to negotiate the settlement of agrarian resources in the newly independent country. Even international parties welcomed the idea of political compromise diplomacy of this group. Parties Netherlands Indies Civil Administration (NICA) immediately issued a declaration of November 6, 1945 to support the declaration of Indonesia.

Of course, this lowered the sympathy of the national movement, particularly the youth and people of the peasantry to the most elite of the republic at that time. Indeed much of the elite of the republic want a 100% first independence from the Dutch side, just after it executed a strategy of diplomacy. Diplomacy can be executed if there is the sovereignty of each party. Prior to the recognition of the sovereignty of each party, of course what happens is that diplomacy is not balanced. Was Tan Malaka who launched an independent movement is 100%. An idea which was then confirmed in the First Congress of the Union Struggle at Navan on January 6, 1946.¹⁷

Meanwhile, since October 1945 occurred extraordinary unrest in the area of private lands (Particuliere Landerijen). In the 1945-1950 period has lasted roughly from the people's struggle over private lands and plantations marks identical with the oppression and exploitation of poor peasants by the landlord. Resistance is characterized by coarse robbery, social protests, the right to self-determination and defiance of administrative.¹⁸ Meanwhile, in the area of plantation companies, the various strengths of the peasants already occupy and exploit in order to meet the needs its subsistence.¹⁹

A result of this diplomacy, politics, and efforts to achieve agrarian reform in a revolutionary idea faltered. Defeat after defeat of diplomacy, it did not dampen the diplomatic front Indonesia to negotiate with foreign parties. Yet in every diplomatic position as a nation, Indonesia has always been the underdog. Until finally the defeat of diplomacy of the most fatal occurred in the 1949 Round Table Conference. All agrarian resources once processed by colonialism should be returned. Including, after the transfer of sovereignty in December 1949, all the economic infrastructure of the Republic of Indonesia is still dominated by foreign parties. Hence the street from the agrarian reform in this period is blocked by a politics of diplomacy abroad. In addition, between the years 1945-1950, the colonial power still aggressively launching military aggression to Indonesia. Actions of military aggression are also caused tersendatnya efforts to immediately realize the people's prosperity and social justice with a foundation of national character.

3.b. Agrarian Reform rehearsal action

Despite the hiccup, but it did not dampen the spirit of the founders of the republic to carry out agrarian reform ideas. Still coincided with the spirit of “social revolution” from below, the agrarian reform movement of entities in the form of demands abolition of the remnants of feudalism. Various community organizations who are members of an anti-self-government on April 29, 1946, issue joint motion requires removal of the Special Region of Surakarta. Tremendous pressure on its sides Mangkunegaran, finally declared that Mangkunegaran keingan appreciate the people for democracy and social justice.

It seems the spirit of “social revolution” that could encourage the Government of Indonesia to step implementation of this experiment in Indonesia agrarian reform implemented by the Ministry of the Interior. These measures of land reform in the form of executable or a small scale in areas of Banyumas, Central Java in 1946. The main objective of the implementation of land reform is to abolish the privileges fief village, formerly named: the Village School, Village Mutihan, Village or Village Pakuncen Mijen.

Then, based on Law No.. 13 years old in 1946, the privilege is otherwise not in accordance with the ideals of democracy and the Indonesian revolution. The government then took half of this vast land, which is controlled by the historical rights by the village chief and his family, and distributed to the “penyakap”, or tenants for the results. Government to replace these losses with the road 10% initially to be paid in cash, the rest payable in a year is paid off.

Along with the various anti-self-government is increasingly widespread with diverse demands. This movement during the month of May 1946, demanding that the factories and plantations owned by the Kasunanan and Mangkunegaran immediately "promoted", submitted to their employees and factory workers and plantation. Of course the government itself at first feel overwhelmed by a series of demands from the movement. Finally, through the Minister of Home Affairs, the government held talks with the second "kingdom" is. The claim is very rational, given the ideals of democracy and social justice can not be avoided in a country whose post-colonial era.²⁰

Various actions that occurred under these, by the government of Indonesia made the reference to move from the idea of agrarian reform experiment. The next trial step, the government together with various organizations of the peasants (BTI, STII and FARMER) conversion of land to form the committee in 1948. The committee filed a bill (draft law) in order to improve the Land Rent Regulation of the land owned by the Princes and Nobility Palace (Vorstenlandsche Grondhuurreglement). Land conversion in Yogyakarta and Surakarta, during the colonial period had always cause problems, especially those related to “uang dongklakan” and “uang kasepan”. At the time of independence had this problem needs to be more clear. Then out of Act number 13 of 1948, which resulted in the sugar company closed 40 of Yogyakarta and Surakarta. The purpose of this implementation to end the competition on the mastery of agrarian resources that are not balanced between sugar companies large and strong with farmers who are not organized.²¹

IV. Sustainable Development Postulate

Agrarian changes can be one of the main goals of a social revolution. But governments are to be intended to hinder rather than encourage a revolution is usually advocated, and sometimes try to make changes to a less radical agrarian. But is precisely the character limitation imposed changes that typically prevent them mencapi their true goal: the creation of favorable conditions for an increase in agricultural production (Wertheim, 1999:457).

Although they have problems as mentioned above, but due to pressure from below and awareness of some of the political elite will be as an agricultural nation, of course, to carry out the development of national economy, the peasantry is a main subject. Considering this group is the largest faction in the Republic of Indonesia. Because of the demands of the peasants of Indonesia's most fundamental, namely the soil must be met. So the motto of the land for the peasants, was certainly echoed in every post-colonial state. Therefore, what is needed then is the legal umbrella to legitimize the wishes of the people are farmers.

4.a. Profound on Political Policy

Echoes of movement ”social revolution” from below so strong, plus it has done with the practice of good experiments show that the idea of agrarian reform in Indonesia requires a more solid political umbrella. Agrarian Committee was formed in Yogyakarta (PAY), based on Presidential Decision Letter No.. 16, dated May 12, 1948. This committee is chaired by Sarimin Reksodihardjo, with members consisting of officials from the ministries and department representatives-office, representatives of organizations of farmers who are also members of BP KNIP, Plantation Trade Union representatives and legal experts, especially experts of customary law. After working for so long, PAY able to produce a report submitted to the President on February 3, 1950.

Meanwhile, to realize the nation's agenda embodied in the idea of agrarian reform, the government continued to dismiss PAY agrarian committee on March 9, 1951. On the basis of considerations of state power transfer from Yogyakarta to Jakarta, via Presidential Decree No. 36 of 1951 established the Agrarian Committee of the Jakarta (PAJ). This committee has the task which is almost the same as the previous committee, also chaired by Sarimin Reksodihardjo. To further reinforce its commitment to the implementation of agrarian reform agenda of President Sukarno issued Presidential Decree. 55 years old in 1955, on March 29, 1955 a Ministry of Agrarian. Agrarian Ministry was formed in the cabinet Sastroamijoyo I. The task of this ministry, among others, to prepare the establishment of a national agrarian law which refers to Article 25, 37 paragraph 1 and 38 paragraph 3, while the Constitution (Constitution) in 1950. Nevertheless PAJ continues to perform his job. Including when there is turnover PAJ chairman of Sarimin Reksodihardjo to Singgih Praptodihardjo, PAJ still keep working. Until 1956, when PAJ considered incapable of preparing a draft bill, the committee was disbanded. Through the Presidential Decree No. 1 Year 1956, issued on January 14, 1956 established the State Committee for Agrarian Affairs. Chairman of this committee is Soewahjo Soemodilogo (Secretary of the Ministry of Agrarian Djendral), which came to acting from the various Ministries and Department, indigenous legal experts and representatives from various agricultural organizations. The committee was later better known as Soewahjo Committee.

Based on all the documents of the previous committee, the Committee Soewahjo succeeded in formulating a draft law on agrarian reform agenda. The system design is then submitted to the Minister of Agrarian Affairs on February 6, 1958. After finishing the job well Soewahjo Committee was disbanded, because its duties have been completed. Then the Ministry of Agrarian conduct re-reading the document from the Committee Soewahjo. There are some changes in systematics and a new formulation of a number of articles, thereby becoming a new document known as draft Soenarjo (Ministry of Agrarian). Then, this design is submitted to the Council of Ministers on March 14, 1958. At the 94th Session of April 1, 1958, the Council of Ministers approved the draft Soenarjo. Then, based on Presidential Decree No Mandate. 1307/HK April 24, 1958, Soenarjo draft submitted to Parliament. On December 16, 1958, in the Plenary Session of Parliament, Minister of Agrarian provide answers to the common view of DPR. Given the agrarian reform is a strategic idea to form the House of Representatives ad hoc committee chaired by AM Tambunan. This ad hoc committee received input from two (two) institutions: (i) Section of the Agrarian University of Gajah Mada University, headed by prof. Notonagoro, and (ii) the Chief Justice, Wirjono Prodjodikoro.

Although there are political broke down the second half of the 1950s, but considering the existence of the idea of agrarian reform as an agenda for the nation was still running. Even based on the constitutional hook, when President Soekarno issued a Presidential Decree of 5 July 1959, one of the re-enactment of the 1945 Constitution, the draft Constitution Soenarjo the cantolannya wearing Letter 1950 withdrawn by Acting President on May 23, 1960 No. 1532/HK/1960. The government immediately make adjustments and improvements to the 1945 Draft Soenaryo and based on Indonesian political manifesto (speech of President Sukarno, August 17, 1959). After completion design changes to draft Sadjarwo Soenarjo, given the turn of the Minister of Agrarian Soenarjo to Sadjarwo. Sadjarwo draft was then approved by Cabinet in Session Inti on July 22, 1960 and by Cabinet in the Plenary Session August 1, 1960. Based on Presidential Decree No Mandate. 2584/HK/60 dated August 1, 1960, this Sadjarwo draft submitted to the Board of Mutual Assistance Representatives (DPR-GR).

Furthermore, the DPR-GR, a series of preliminary discussions in the siding-commission meeting that is closed, the public view until the siding-plenary sessions. After conducting a series of discussions, on 14 September 1960 DPR-GR, which is the political representation of political forces in Indonesia (Nationalist political power, Muslim, Communist and Functional Group) agreed that the idea of the nation's agenda be adopted. Then on Saturday, September 24, 1960 bill was approved by President Sukarno to become law No. 5 / 1960 on Basic Agrarian which according to the dictum that all five can be called, and thereafter was more famous, as the Principal Act Agararia (BAL). BAL disclosed in the State Gazette No. 1960. 104, was the explanation contained in the Supplement to Official Gazette No. 2043.

Adoption of this BAL 1960 reaffirms that to achieve the objectives of the Indonesian revolution must be eliminated first-class landlords, reducing farm laborers and give land only to those who work on their own, through the implementation of Land Reform. Land Reform into strategies that overcome the gaps that occur because of differences in land ownership. Land Reform practices aimed at equitable distribution of income and develop a basis for high productivity. Basically there are 3 (three), the aim of forming BAL. First, the foundation of the national agrarian law, which constitute a tool to bring prosperity, happiness and justice for the State and the people, especially people of peasants in order to realize a just and prosperous society. Second, the foundation of the unity and simplicity of the agrarian law. That means there's only one rule that is national agrarian law that ended the politics of colonial agrarian law is dualistic and complicated. Third, the foundations basis for legal certainty regarding the rights to land for all people. Meanwhile, to achieve these goals, in the BAL contained some of the supporting principles: (i) the principle of nationality; (ii) master the principles of State rights; (iii) the principle of land containing a social function; (iv) the principle of Land Reform; (v) principles agrarian planning.

Speech the Minister of Agrarian Affairs, Mr. Sadjarwo on September 12, 1960 in front of the DPR-GR states five goals reform in Indonesia.

1. To make a fair distribution of people's livelihood of farmers in the form of land, with the intention that there is a fair distribution of the results also, with structural reform a completely new land in a revolutionary, in order to realize social justice.

2. To implement the principle of land for farmers, so that does not happen again as the object of land speculation and the object of blackmail.

3. To strengthen and expand the property rights to land for every Indonesian citizen, whether male and women, social functioning. A recognition and protection of private bezit, namely property rights as the right of the strongest, the character of individuals and down-down, but the social function.

4. To end the system of landlords and abolished land ownership by large scale with the infinite, by holding limit, and maksismum The minimum limit for each family. As head of the family can be a male or female. Thus erode liberalism and capitalism is also a system of land, and provide protection to the economically weak.

5. To enhance the national production and encourage the implementation of intensive agriculture in mutual assistance in the form of cooperative and mutual forms lainnya, accompanied a credit system that is mainly intended to golongan farmers.

4.b. Requisition to rearrange Agrarian Structure

In the period of the 1950s was marked by interesting tension in the political opportunity space between forces that want to accelerate the agrarian reform agenda with a view of colonial modes of development. Apparently this is a necessity in the post-colonial countries like Indonesia. Colonial domination of foreign capital not only still operating, but also still plays its financial dominance in the various sectors and all sections of the economy. For the case of Indonesia in the period 1950-1957 financial dominance is one of them centered on the plantation industry. At least five foreign capital that the Indonesian economy which is known to play with the big five, NV Internatio, NV Borsumij, NV Jacobson van den Berg, NV Lindeteves, and goe Wehry & Co. NV.

Due to the dominance, in addition to the problem of poverty is relatively high and the socio-economic disparities become increasingly widened. Distribution of economic access of course does not spread evenly. According to the statistics agency reports showed the economic situation facing Indonesia after the handover of sovereignty (1949) level of welfare of the population actually fell away, which was also characterized by declining levels of public health. In 1951 the per capita income of people in Indonesia only reached 28.3 guilders, which was lower than the mean per capita income of Indonesia on the world economic crisis, malaise era (1930), which amounted to 30 guilders. Not only that, the national economy also experienced a remarkable decline, which was shown in production generated by plantation companies.²²

In this round, several studies indicate how the domination of thought is based on the views colonial modes of development are also very aggressively to stop the radicalization of the masses of agrarian reform in order to realize. Could be this is the weakness of the elite in post-colonial countries which began to abandon the ideals of revolution, preferring to negotiate with the power of the colonial capital. What happens in negotiations between Indonesia and the Netherlands during the Round Table Conference (RTC), through the Economic Financial Agreement (Financieel-Economische Overeenkomst Finec) Dutch parties submitted various proposals in order to realize business benefits determination in the former colonies. As a result of colonial domination of the view mode of development is the negotiation process without any meaningful resistance. Due to further the ideals of welfare for the people handicapped. For BTI, a Dutch colonial rule monopolistic capital recovered due to the treasonous RTC, the monopolists. The Dutch tried to re-seize the lands of the peasants Indonesia.²³

Inhibitors issues to realize the ideals of public welfare and social justice continues to establish the idea that real agrarian reform is a postulate of national development with justice. Continue to use this opportunity to campaign on this idea. On February 20, 1953, Agraria RI Government Conference held in Jakarta, which was opened officially by the Ministry of Home Affairs Mr. Mohammad Roem which addresses issues of agrarian politics and how the bureaucracy that accompanies it.

Is also a historical fact, is actually the agenda of agrarian reform rural masses who want justice and prosperity in his hand. Almost all observations on the movement of people in rural areas shows that the national political changes can affect how the composition of power in the countryside is at stake. Rural power distribution in post-colonial countries helped shape and are shaped by national politics. Because of demands on the Indonesian peasant masses in the period of the 1950s no longer be sectoral, but have launched a pressure-pressure to the country with a highly nationalistic themes, such as “nationalization of all lands” and “the right of the state of all the lands”, and “land for farmers”.

Movement of the people then formed, the government issued Law No. 8 Emergency Act year 1954 soon. Emergency Act No. 8 years in 1954 regulating the matter of settlement of the occupied lands and the cultivation of the former plantation company. This Act was amended and supplemented by Emergency Law Emergency Act No. 1 year in 1956 and eventually replaced by Act no. 51 Prp year 1960 regulating the settlement of former plantation lands, a former forest and other lands that have been worked by the people.

In the perspective of this Act, any act of occupying and working the land, a former private estate company owned by the Dutch displaced, by the peasant masses are not stated as an act of unlawful annexation, but can be solved in two ways as follows: First, for the peasant masses occupying land owned plantation company which has been controlled by the state, was later awarded the rights to the masses something farmers and other residents after the qualifying requirements stipulated by the Minister of Agrarian Affairs. Secondly, while that for the plantation companies occupied without their consent, it will be held a settlement through negotiations with the necessity to meet the elements: the Settlement Committee, the People and the Company.

According Bachriadi²⁴ Number 8 Emergency Act year in 1954 is actually a “victory” by the law for tenants Indonesian peasant masses. Law is to acknowledge and legitimize its occupation of private estates in the territory of the newly independent republic.²⁵ Legitimacy of law is also used by various political forces of the peasants with other democratic groups to run actions in order to take over the various companies of the Dutch colonial capital. These actions could encourage the Government of Indonesia to do the nationalization of colonial capital company. Unfortunately, the Government of Indonesia did not bother to sue the presence of foreign capital such as BPM, Shell and Unilever.

Of course this was again due to a mistake the way the political strategy of diplomacy, was still strong view of colonial mode of development which then responded by movement of the peasantry in the countryside is the situation in Indonesia in the period agrariarized 1950s. At this point the view of the agrarian reform agenda into the main pedestal, into national development postulates that justice should be immediately implemented.

V. Implementing agrarian reform as nationality agenda

Implement land reform means doing one part of the absolute of the Indonesian Revolution, land reform on the one hand means eliminate all colonial rights over land and end the feudal exploitation gradually, on the other hand means that strengthening and expanding land reform land ownership to farmers throughout the Indonesian people, especially the peasants. We Revolutionary Road (Djarek). Land reform as part of an absolute rather than the Indonesian revolution is the development base of the universe based on the principle that land as a production tool should not be sucking tool was formed. (Ketetapan MPRS No. II/MPRS/1960).

The dynamics of the implementation of agrarian reform basically lies in the interesting tension between market forces and government in carrying out this agenda. Although BAL is a product of the positive laws that flow from Pancasila (particularly the precepts of Social Justice as well as a goal the establishment of the state) and 1945 (especially Article 33, paragraph 3). This is not as the culmination of the agrarian reform movement but is the first and most important stage in the history of justice and prosperity of the people. A stage that accommodates the interests of society in a modern state, adjusted for the basic ideals of nationhood, as well as in conjunction with the international community. So that is needed and then how the process of ideological transformation in praxis at the field level. An act of running the political practice of the agrarian reform agenda in order to realize the nation. However, given the pull of the implementation of agrarian reform as described above is inevitable in political practice.

Attraction between the two in their application, in the post-colonial countries is a necessity, which causes the slow implementation of the reform agenda. For the case of Indonesia, in addition to both of these political interference, which is to regain sovereignty over West Papua and the confrontation with Malaysia. Thus, although the BAL was enacted in 1960, all land reform process which had been due redistribution process implemented within 3 (three) phases. First, the registration of land under Government Regulation No. 10 years in 1961. Second, the determination and division of land over to as many farmers did not take root, based on Government Regulation No. 224 in 1961. Third, the implementation UUPBH. But all was new in 1963 composed a list of areas that can be redistributed land, covering 337 000 ha (Java, Madura, Bali and Lombok). Sluggishness of the way reform agenda is also located on the unpreparedness of bureaucracy. Although there is strong control of the mass organizations of the people to run, but the character of Indonesian bureaucracy at that time still lingering legacy of beambtenstaat system. A system state which is sustained by employees (pangreh praja) through a government that is indirect role. Consequently, the unpreparedness of bureaucracy can be viewed from not continuing the strategic coordination between respective departments involved in implementation of reform agenda.

As mentioned above, the implementation of agrarian reform is a populist agenda in order to realize the ideals of nationhood, of course initially receive full support from various people's organizations of farmers. Due to various lags above, Barisan Tani Indonesia (BTI), which has close contact with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), with spirit full of emotion, trying to help the committee conduct their own land reform with land redistribution. “Greget” emotions that are too excessive in the present political practices in the form of a sense of impatience. The action was very impressed too early is known as unilateral action which gave birth to a misunderstanding over the process of impatience as a challenge. As a result fosters opposition from landowners in rural Java and tension between the traditional Muslim power (NU) with BTI. What happens then is the action that tends to lead to the politicization and mobilization of denying the importance of the implementation of agrarian reform agenda.

Although there are social-political tensions in the countryside, in late December 1964 and January 14, 1965, Minister of Agrarian reported redistribution process (division) the excess land in Java, Madura, Bali, Lombok and Sumbawa (all stage I) have been resolved. Which redistributed land consisting of land and excessive state land, including land empire. The area of land that has been redistributed prior to the failed coup in 1965 is an area of 454 966 ha of state land which was distributed to 568 862 people. Meanwhile there are 165 764 ha of land in the area are mostly located in North Sumatra unsuccessful redistributed. As a result of social life-political tensions in the countryside, the course of agrarian reform as the nation's agenda stalled. Misunderstood as a communist reform movement, so that the political forces concerned with the development of the PKI began to slow down the populist agenda. The tips of how slow it is taking place in 1965 failed coup. As already mentioned above, that the agrarian reform movement not only affects but is also influenced by national and even global political situation. Although the coup failed an urban movement, which is part of the global political situation of the cold war also has implications for the agrarian reform movement in the countryside.

Starting from the pull of the implementation of agrarian reform agenda between market forces and government, then continues with the social life-political tensions in the countryside is an objective condition for military force to stop the agenda of agrarian reform. Then received the legitimacy of the termination process with the humanitarian tragedy of 1965-1966, so the agenda of agrarian reform was stopped completely changed its national development agenda is devoted to market forces.

VI. Fascilitating the role of market

As if finding momentum, market power through the New Order Regime Politics show on top of power in Indonesia. For this regime the previous period is considered more priority to the political interests which in practice gave birth to social conflicts. Early morning political regime was building a political imagination that the implementation of agrarian reform in Indonesia has failed to run.²⁶

And quickly, the New Order did "transform" a misunderstanding of the agrarian reform.²⁷ First, the implementation of agrarian reform gave birth to a horizontal conflict. Second, BAL 1960 was a product of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Third, the BAL in 1960 "giving birth" humanitarian tragedy from 1965 to 1966. Fourth, the implementation of agrarian reform should be carried out through unilateral action. Fifth, the implementation of agrarian reform "accused" as a veiled political agenda within the framework of usurpation. Sure you can continue a variety of misconceptions about the implementation of agrarian reform in Indonesia in the early 1960s.

The process of transformation is intentionally misunderstanding done in order to strengthen the status quo of an order. New Order political regime is built on the basis of national consensus that emphasizes stabilization, rehabilitation and national development interests that lead to the market. Of course, this national consensus rejected the idea of relying on structural changes in the socio-political and economic radically.²⁸

On the other hand, among the pro International markets are experiencing a trend of rolling green revolution concept. At the political power of the New Order regime during which more or less simultaneously with the commencement of the green revolution in Asia. A pragmatic view is understood to increase food production. From this green revolution then becomes central to the paradigm of national development of Indonesia under the New Order political regime. Consequently, as a marker that the problems regarding land to be lost from memory as if the Indonesian nation.²⁹

New Order political regime does not intend to continue the agenda of agrarian reform in Indonesia. Even in programs First Five-Year Development Plan (REPELITA I, 1969-1974) does not exist anymore explicitly program this nation's agenda. Development emphasis is run by the New Order political regime lies in the intensification of agricultural projects with the cost of large-scale foreign aid.

For the New Order of the agrarian reform issue only as technical problems. Land is not the basis of the national development process, but rather a problem of development of bureaucratic routine. At the institutional level, that took care of this problem no longer existed Ministry, more technical bureaucracy of land affairs. Portfolio “derived” in the bureaucratic land. In addition, BAL was also “breakdown” status, no longer a legal umbrella on agrarian issues. Furthermore, the New Order Act which gave birth to some conflict with the BAL, such as Law. 1 year 1967 on foreign investment and Law. 5 year 1967 about the basic provisions concerning forestry. Not only that, the New Order also removes the legitimacy of the participation of peasant organizations in the agrarian reform program. Though the agrarian reform is a populist agenda that the main actor is the peasantry itself. New Order political regime form a mass organization ³⁰ “puppet” farmers, such as the Association of Indonesian Harmony Farmers (HKTI).

Due to the various policies that are by pass approach, the main characteristic of the New Order is emerging of agrarian disputes. Various forms of disputes: the result of an arbitrary eviction, compensation issues, the issue of location permits, enforcing the planting of certain crops and abuse the rights of indigenous peoples. There are at least 4 (four), the pattern of conflicts that occurred during the reign of the New Order political regime: (i) of the people against the government, (ii) the people against the plantation and forestry; (iii) the people against the private sector; (iv) the people against the military.

In political practice of the New Order regime to stop running the three levels of people's resistance. First, enforce the state ideological process. Throughout the New Order ideological practice is done in the form of massive upgrading P4-upgrading courses for all levels of society. Second, often do stigmatization. If there are groups of people who reject the idea of always doing the practice of considering the construction of arbitrary eviction, with the immediate group are accused of: anti-development, against the state, PKI, and a row of anti-Pancasila political stigma. Third, it is not uncommon to do security approach, in the event of opposition from the people. Various cases of agrarian disputes throughout the New Order political regime to power of the solution is always a pattern of violence. And the regime always tended to side with the forces of capital.

Therefore, in this period of quiet formal talks on agrarian reform. Yet there is a new agrarian reform movement has nothing to do with the past. Autodidact, see the oppression by their own nation against the peasants of Indonesia, is able to encourage a new awareness in the early half of 1990s. Agrarian reform movement is “gentle” was pioneered by the popular movement activists, student activists. So the surge of the agrarian reform movement in Indonesia that currently can not deny the existence of the movement in this period.³¹

VII. Preparing agrarian Reform from the root

In principle, the agrarian movement was an attempt, effort and activities undertaken collectively or jointly, with the aim to reform the social order in the fields of agriculture, because the existing layout is considered unfair and not appropriate as a basis for improving people's welfare. (GWR, 196) Hence what is needed is common sense for not only the importance of the implementation of agrarian reform agenda in Indonesia, but also he became joint movement.

When viewed through this process of agrarian reform ideas have not become a common agenda in the country. Indeed in the mid-year 2005, the Chairman of BPN-RI Dr. Joyo Winoto animate back the idea of this agrarian reform. Then formulated a plan PPAN. In the journey, the national political constellation apparently not conducive to inflame the agrarian reform movement in the true sense. Even BPN-RI faced “faith a comply” Leaders have not had time to plan BPN-RI genuine agrarian reform, the government hurried to be preceded by a statement handed out an area of 9.15 million hectares to the people. Then its image “as it looks” the agrarian reform was simply to divide the land. Unfortunately again arise interpretation, “Agrarian Reform, divided only state land, while the vast lands controlled by a handful of people and has been certified will not be changed. In fact, the tip of the agrarian reform is the reform of social-economic structure of society, recast the distribution structure of ownership, control, and use the land for the benefit of small people. So that should all be affected by reforms”. Now what happens is taken hostage by the agrarian reform land distribution, for-for the land in the sense above, and land registration (land registration), giving rights over state land grant in the form of certificate on state land.

And so we need some some requirements for it to be a joint movement.

• Strong intention (strong will) of the Government of Indonesia to develop this agenda the agenda at the state and joint movement. Foundation for the implementation of this movement is also very strong. BAL 1960 was a policy born out of the flow of the state philosophy of Pancasila and the 1945 constitution. It was later strengthened by TAP MPR/IX/1999.

• For its implementation requires the support of the bureaucracy, both the highest level to lowest. Not only that, the need for support from military forces, considering reordering more equitable agrarian structure has a strategic value. Setup is not only in geographical sense for the military, but also as a means of production (logistics elements). Organizing the defense to organize a nation must be understood in relation to land, people and military. Furthermore compile meaningful defense force would also make the land relations, and military people as something as integral strength.³²

• The existing public awareness not only to the subject of reform, but also society as a whole. This awareness is based on the implementation of agrarian reform agenda as a postulate of national development based on justice. No subject stopped for direct beneficiaries (recipients of land). Moreover, in the long term benefit is also received by other communities.

• For the objectivity of the implementation of agrarian reform movement needs a comprehensive research process. Apparently there had been no comprehensive research process that involves an independent people's organizations.³³ The process of public participation can be constructed from this research process.*)

Footnotes:

1 This paper will not be born without a deep discussion with some friends who are members of the Joint Learning Circle Reforma Agraria (LIBBRA): Noer Fauzi Rahman, and Muhammad Shohibuddin Laksmi Savitri. Intellectual debt to them is very difficult to get paid. This paper is not intended for settlement, but rather as part of the dialogue itself from LIBBRA.

2 Lecturer (young) in the Department of Agrarian History of History, Faculty of Letters, University of Jember. Chairman of the House of Representatives Members (MPA) Rim Village and Agrarian Reform (KARSA) in the period 2005 to 2009 and Secretary of the Council of Syarikat Indonesia 2006-2009 period, are both National NGO's based in Yogyakarta.

3 There are 7 (seven) PPAN purposes: (i) reorganize the structure of inequality of land tenure and usage towards a more equitable, (ii) reduce poverty, (iii) creating employment; (iv) improve people's access to economic resources, especially land, (v) reduce disputes and conflict over land, (vi) improve and maintain environmental quality, and (vii) improve the food security of the people of Indonesia and the national energy security.

4 Nevertheless, the peasants suffer double oppression by foreign colonialists and the native rulers of petty feudal. In other words, the Dutch have played the role of local authorities in connection with its exploitation, or better known as indirect rule. See S. Dingley, The Peasant’s Movement in Indonesia, (Berlin: R.L. Prager, TT), hal. 9.

5 Sartono Kartodirdjo, Pemberontakan Petani Banten, Translator. Hassan Basri, Bur Rasuanto (Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya, 1984).

6 Various resistance and rebellion waged by the masses is suppressed with a variety of operating variations. For small scale, the colonial government enough to criminalize the people's resistance. If this still happens resistance is usually carried out repressive operations at certain levels that undermine the values of humanity. While in the daily control of the colonial government in cooperation with the feudalism with the indirect rule pattern .

7 Uo people's movement in this period see, the National Archives of the Republic of Indonesia, Publishing History Resources N0. 7, Sarekat Islam Lokal, (Jakarta, 1975).

8 For detailed see S. Dingley, Op. cit, especially bab III.

9 Ibid, see bab IV.

10 Economic downturn in the Dutch East Indies caused tremendous deficit for the Dutch colonial state. Report accordingly to Jan O.M. Broek, Economic Development of The Netherlands Indies, (Institute of Pacific Relation, 1942) these conditions occur until 1935. For one case in the plantation look at AA.199. Memorie van Overgave van de Aftrende Residen Besoeki, 1931-1934.

11 On the question of Japanese fascism in the Indonesian occupation, read Aiko Kurasawa, Mobilisasi dan Kontrol, (Jakarta: Grasindo, 1993).

12 Content of Introduction UUD 1945.

13 According to Sudaryanto, Naskah-naskah Pemikiran Pergerakan Kebangsaan: Membasiskan Pancasila, (Buku 1), (For own group, 2008).

14 About various historical facts set forth above can be seen more detail on Franz Magnis-Suseno, Etika Kebangsaan, Etika Kemanusiaan; 79 Tahun Sesudah Sumpah Pemuda, (Yogyakarta: Impulse dan Kanisius, 2008).

15 At least there are two formulations that have colored the views of international involvement of these issues. Each of those views contradict each other. First, the view from among those who believe that the involvement of the international community to participate in the initial process of independence is needed, especially the issue of foreign investment, for a while needed to support the growth of national economy. Second, the radical view that sees the importance may be resolved immediately by the new republic established by freeing the national economy from colonial influence. This is a simply formulated in a radical approach to diplomacy and approaches.

16 Iman Soetiknjo, Politik Agraria Nasional; Hubungan Manusia dengan Tanah yang Berdasarkan Pancasila, fourth printed (Yogyakarta: UGM Press, 1994), page, 4.

17 This claim by the BP-KNIP then accepted and acknowledged as a national program representative. To see the concepts of independence can be seen in 100% Tan Malaka, Merdeka 100 %, Tiga Percakapan Ekonomi Politik, (Tangerang: Marjin Kiri, 2005).

18 This is part of the social revolution. See Imam Soedjono, Yang Berlawan; membongkar Tabir Pemalsuan Sejarah PKI, (Yogyakarta: Resist Book, 2006), page 92-93. For events in other places of social revolution, see Anton Lucas, Peristiwa Tiga Daerah, Revolusi dalam Revolusi, (Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya Grafiti, 1989).

19 Tri Chandra Aprianto, Petani dan Proses Nasionalisasi Perusahaan Perkebunan di Jember, Laporan Penelitian, (PMB LIPI – NIOD (Belanda), 2005.

20 Imam Soedjono, loc cit, 130-131

21 (Soemardjan, 1984:104)

22 Tri Chandra Aprianto, Petani dan Proses Nasionalisasi Perusahaan Perkebunan di Jember, Laporan Penelitian, (PMB LIPI – NIOD (Belanda), 2005.

23 See Asmu, Untuk Demokrasi, Tanah, Produksi dan Irian Barat, Laporan Umum DPP BTI Kepada Kongres Nasional ke VI BTI 23 s/d 29 Djuli 1962, (Jakarta: DPP BTI, 1962).

24 Dianto Bachriadi, Warisan Kolonial yang Tidak Diselesaikan: Konflik dan Pendudukan Tanah di Tapos dan Badega, Jawa Barat, dalam Anu Lounela dan R. Yando Zakaria (ed.), Berebut Tanah, Beberapa Kajian Berperspektif Kampus dan Kampung, (Yogyakarta: Insist Press, 2002), hal 41.

25 See Content UU No. 8 Darurat year in 1954, especially article number 2, 11 and explanation Penjelasan Umum pasal 1 dan 7 which confirmed this. Even on article number 7, chapter Penjelasan Umum dari UU Darurat This is stated explicitly that the action to be taken by the government is giving legal status to people who have been occupying the lands of the former foreign plantations. See also UU No. 51 Prp Tahun 1960 which regulated about “penjelesaian pemakaian tanah2 perkebunan dan hutan dan lain2 harus memperhatikan kepentingan pemakai tanah, jaitu kaum tani jang bersangkutan, kepentingan penduduk lainnja didaerah tempat letak perkebunan, dengan ketentuan bahwa terlebih dahulu harus diusahakan tertjapainya penjelesaian dengan djalan musjawarah dengan fihak2 jang bersangkutan.”

26 In a discussion, Gunawan Wiradi declare the implementation of agrarian reform in Indonesia in the early half of the 1960s can not be said to fail. Actually what happened is a new agrarian reform carried out, and then brutally terminated.

27 The transformation process is a misunderstanding of Agrarian Reform also gave birth to the failure to reconstruct the events that actually occurred. The result is a process of defining a more meaningful agrarian reform pejorative. At last in the academic world, there is a process of eliminating a science with character populist foundation. See Tri Chandra Aprianto, Tafsir(an) Landreform dalam Alur Sejarah Indonesia, (Yogyakarta: KARSA dan FF, 2005).

28 In a national consensus is that cool by New Order is the implementation of Pancasila and the Constitution of 1945 carried out a genuine and consistent. See Nugroho Notosusanto, Tercapainya Konsensus Nasional 1966-1969, (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1985), page 32-33. On the compiler concept of Pancasila is Bung Karno. Although as a drafter Bung Karno regarded as a man who embezzled Pancasila. That is, Bung Karno “dead” by the concept itself that is used by New Order.

29 Gunawan Wiradi, Reforma Agraria Perjalanan yang Belum Berakhir, (Yogyakarta: INSIST, KPA dan Pustaka Pelajar, 2000) page 141.

30 Throughout the New Order's reign in terms too, the people are no longer as citizens, but as a mass. As a result of the floating mass policy (floating mass), where the people can no longer engage in politics. Because only a mass of people who no longer berorrganisasi and should not convey their political aspirations. The existence of this mass is only needed at the time of election. The mass was mobilized within the framework of the political interests of a moment. Not present as citizens who have the opportunity to determine their political rights.

31 For the vanguard of a new agrarian reform movement was Noer Fauzi, in a discussion with the term generation is often called “Starter and Earlier” Starter since turned off the agrarian reform movement in Indonesia in 1965-1966, this generation as starter on 1990s periods. As a Starter for generation of the 1990s started the agrarian reform movement has nothing to do with his past actors.

32 See, Kolonel Soeharjo, Tanah, Rakyat dan Tentara (Kalimantan Timur), (Djakarta: Penerbit PT Pentja, 1962) hal. 8-9.

33 At least in Indonesia have conducted research that is massive and involves the organization of the peasants. See DN. Aidit, Kaum Tani Mengganyang Setan-setan Desa, Laporan Singkat Tentang Hasil Riset Mengenai Keadaan Kaum Tani dan Gerakan Tani Djawa Barat, (Jakarta: Jajasan Pembangunan, 1964).